KNOWLEDGE

SOUTHERN NEW HAMPHIRE UNIVERSITY
AND
OPEN UNIVERSITY OF TANZANIA


COMMUNITY ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
ASSIGNMENT : KNOWLEDGE
PROGRAMME : MSC. CED
COURSE TITLE : PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICES OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

CODE : ICD 533
CENTRE : ARUSHA

STUDENT NAME : KASSIAN SIA
LECTURERS NAME: DR. JUMA KADUANGA
SUBMISSION DATE: 22 OCTOBER 2007






1:0 INTRODUCTION

1.1 Definition of Knowledge
There are various attempts and suggestions that tries to define knowledge, ranging to what is known to distillation of information. However, according to the Oxford English Dictionary, knowledge is defined variously as (i) expertise, and skills acquired by a person through experience or education, the theoretical or practical understanding of a subject, (ii) what is known in a particular field or in total, facts and information or (iii) awareness or situation.

Despite a lack of any single agreed definition of knowledge at present, nor any prospect of one, there remain completing theories (wikipedia,2007) John Locke (1689) argued that knowledge is perception of the agreement or disagreement of two ideas.
However, the definition by Locke as been refined (Davenport and Prusake (1998 p.5) as “a fluid mix of framed experience, contextual information, values, and expert insight that provides a framework for evaluating and incorporating new experiences and information”
Wittgenstein saw knowledge as a case of a family resemblance.

From the foregoing discussion, it is difficult to relate knowledge to one aspect only, and also that knowledge is complex and applied differently to suit certain circumstances. For that matter therefore, it suffices to say that, within the context of Community Economic Development, knowledge is the accumulated experience, skills and information availed to the community used to address common problems. This argument is in line with the proposition (Peter F. Duke) that knowledge is information that changes something or somebody either by becoming grounds for actions, or by making an individual (or an institution) capable of different or more effective action.
1.2 Types of Knowledge
There are two main types of knowledge, namely explicit and tacit knowledge. Explicit knowledge can be articulated into formal language, (words and numbers), and is normally readily transmitted and even processed by a computer to be transmitted electronically, or stored in data base.

On the other hand, Tacit knowledge is personal knowledge embedded in individual experience and involves intangible factors, such as personal belief, perspective, and the value system. Tacit knowledge is hard to articulate with formal language, and before it can be communicated, it must be converted into words, models, or numbers that can be understood (Krough G. Ishijo K. Nonaka I. (2000)

1.3 Forms of Knowledge
There are two forms of knowledge called situated and partial knowledge.
Situated knowledge (wikipedia) is the knowledge specific to a particular situation. This is normally created out of learning from experience or through undertaking trial and error methods.
Situational knowledge is often embedded in language, culture, or traditions is commonly termed as “posteriori”, meaning afterwards.
Partial knowledge implying that knowledge is always not complete, that is, partial. Through the partial understanding of the problem context and problem dates, it is possible to solve a certain problem.
In that case therefore, man has always endeavourer to address certain setbacks to development, based on the partial understanding of the root cause of the problems, and the opportunities available to solve the same problem. In general practice, Community Economic Development entails an understanding of the obstacle and opportunities for development, and takes advantage of the experience and expertise of the local community, enhance the standard of livelihood of a given community.

The partial knowledge over a given problem or situation, is a manifestation of the widespread knowledge gap between the local community, the government and development practitioners. This being the case in point, concerted efforts need to be done to harmonize mutual understanding so as to collectively address community felt needs and perceptions. Knowledge gap though difficult to bridge, could be minimized through provision of education programmes tailored to empower local community with skills and techniques for sourcing for data and information about issues surrounding them. Government and development practitioners, on the other hand, are charged with the duties of creating conducive environment for the absorption of new knowledge through the use of user – friendly forms of communication knowledge.

2.0 THE ANALYSIS OF KNOWLEDGE

Following the lack of one acceptable standard definition of knowledge, and based on the different applications of knowledge between and among communities, individuals and institutions, it becomes a necessity to attempt to analysis knowledge.

The most important objective of the analysis of knowledge is to state the conditions that are individually necessary and jointly sufficient for proportion knowledge (Stanford Encyclopidia of Philosophy). There are a variety of conditions that are used in the analysis of knowledge, but for the sake of this paper, we look at knowledge as Justified True Belief. The choice of this aspect is based on the understanding that, knowledge has always been conceived as “what is known (wikipedi) …..truth, belief and wisdom. The truth condition is overwhelmingly clear that what is false cannot be known. For example, it is false that Community Economic Development is symonymons to Rural Economic Development, it is not the kind of thing anybody can know. The truth – condition is universally acceptable. The belief condition, though hotly contested, it enjoys support from some philosophers that knowledge without belief is indeed possible, that is, there is knowledge without belief. This argument is based on the fact that, at certain incidences one fails to comply what he sees with his own eyes to come to term with what he sees.

The justification condition requires that for a belief to be true there must be justification, that would qualify as knowledge. Beliefs that are lacking justification are false, although on occasions, such beliefs happen to be true. It follows therefore that, “a belief is justified if, and only if, it fits the subject’s evidence.”

This last condition presupposes that within the context of Community Economic Development, the issue of evidence based information is of paramount importance for effectively and efficiently planning and monitoring development programmes or projects. Shared knowledge must at all times seek to identify the truth, ascertain beliefs and embed justification, In essence, the role of justification condition is to ensure that the analysans does not mistakenly identify as knowledge a belief that is true because of epistemic luck. As Fred Deretske (1989, p.95) puts it correctly that, “those who think knowledge requires something other than or at least more, reliably produced true belief, something (usually) in the way of justification for the belief that one’s produced beliefs are being reliably produced ….why should we insist that no one can have knowledge without it.”

3.0 CONCLUSION AND SUMMARY

Knowledge is broad-based, contentious and multiplicity. This is explained by the manner knowledge has been defined to suit a variety of requirements and applications. However, it suffice to admit that knowledge is an accumulation of experience and skills acquired throughout one’s life cycle.

Explicit knowledge can be readily transmitted and processed, therefore, shared by the community, whereas, tacit knowledge is limited to an individual, and seemingly, contributes to how the individual projects himself or herself the community around he or her. Both explicity and facit knowledge are important to the individuals well-being and community’s unity. The analysis of knowledge seem to be contentions, each representing different views of different philosophers and scholars. However, it goes without saying that knowledge constitutes truth, belief and justification, and that without them, it would be cumbersome to accept knowledge as the part of the hierarchy made up of data, information and knowledge.

Knowledge is fundamental and the single pre-requisite necessary for folstering economic development to our community, and thus, knowledge must be mainstreamed into international, national, and community economic development strategies and programmes.



REFERENCES

1. Achterbergh, Jan & Vriens, Dirk (May – June 2002). “Managing Viable Knowledge.” http://www.nwlink.com/ ~Donclark/knowledge/knowledge.html

2. Davenport T., Prusak L. (1998) “Working Knowledge” in.http.//www.nlink.com/~Donalark/knowledge/knowledge.hotml.

3. KroughG, Ichijok, NonakaI.(2000)”. Enabling knowledge Creation. In http://www.nlink.com/~Don clark/knowledge/knowledge/html.

4. Situated knowledge (hotp.//en.wikipedia.org/wiki/knowledge

HUMAN CAPACITY AND DEVELOPMENT

SOUTHERN NEW HAMPHIRE UNIVERSITY
AND
OPEN UNIVERSITY OF TANZANIA


COMMUNITY ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
ASSIGNMENT : HUMAN CAPACITY AND DEVELOPMENT
PROGRAMME : MSC. CED
COURSE TITLE : PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICES OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

CODE : ICD 533
CENTRE : ARUSHA

STUDENT NAME : KASSIAN SIA
LECTURERS NAME: DR. JUMA KADUANGA
SUBMISSION DATE: 22 OCTOBER


HUMAN CAPACITY AND DEVELOPMENT

1.1 Introduction
Human capacity building is increasingly seen as a key component of donor projects in developing and transitional countries such as those of World Bank. However, the capacity concept is often used in a very narrow meaning such as focusing on staff development through formal education and training programs to meet the deficit of qualified personnel in the short term. This essay attempts to discuss the concept human capacity. It will define the concept human capacity, describe factors for the social change and review different theories for the social change. The essay has been organized into three major sections. The first part, which follows after this introduction defines the concept human capacity. The second section discusses the levels of capacity building and the importance of human capacity with reference to the HIV/AIDS in Tanzania. The last part of the essay is conclusion and reflections on the concept.

2.1 The Concept human Capacity
The term capacity has many different meanings and interpretations depending on who uses it and in what context. To begin with, capacity building as a concept is closely related to education, training and human resource development. This conventional concept has changed over recent years towards a broader and more holistic view, covering both institutional and country base initiatives.
Human Capacity Development is therefore a broad-based strategy to enhance a nation’s workforce by linking policy, facilities, and the community. This involves the enhancement and coordination of skills training, recruitment practices, management systems, and policy measures for an effective response to socio-economic challenges such as HIV/AIDS at all levels. Examples of human capacity development approaches include staff recruitment and retention procedures, effective human resource policies, training and utilization of community volunteers, performance improvement strategies, pre-service education, and leadership development.


3.0 LEVELS AND DIMENSIONS OF CAPACITY BUILDING
The previous section has defined the broad concept of capacity building. However, there is an acceptance that capacity building is a much more complex activity which can be reviewed at different levels which may include different dimensions. Capacity is the power/ability of something – a system, and organisation, a person, to perform and produce properly. Capacity issues can then be addressed at three levels. These levels relate to their application of capacity in society and have been identified as follows (UNDP, 1998):

3. 1. The broader system/societal level.
The highest level within which capacity initiatives may be cast is the system or enabling environment level. For development initiatives that are national in context the system would cover the entire country or society and all subcomponents that are involved. For initiatives at a sectoral level, the system would include only those components that are relevant. The dimensions of capacity at systems level may include a number of areas such as policies, legal/regulatory framework, management and accountability perspective, and the resources available.

3. 2. The entity/organisational level.
An entity may be a formal organisation such as government or one of its departments or agencies, a private sector operation, or an informal organisation such as a community based or volunteer organisation. At this level, successful methodologies examine all dimensions of capacity, including its interactions within the system, other entities, stakeholders, and clients. The dimension of capacity at the entity level should include areas such as mission and strategy, culture and competencies, processes, resources (human, financial and information resources), and infrastructure.

3. 3. The group-of-people/individual level.
This level addresses the need for individuals to function efficiently and effectively within the entity and within the broader system. Human Resource Development (HRD) is about assessing the capacity needs and addressing the gaps through adequate measures of education and training. Capacity assessment and development at this third level is considered the most critical. The dimension of capacity at the individual level will include the design of educational and training programs and courses to meet the identified gaps within the skills base and number of qualified staff to operate the systems.
Strategies for capacity assessment and development can be focused on any level, but it is crucial that strategies are formulated on the basis of a sound analysis of all relevant dimensions. It should also be noted that the entry point for capacity analysis and development may vary according to the major focus point of the project. However, it is important to understand that capacity building is not a linear process. Whatever is the entry point and whatever is the issue currently in focus, there may be a need to zoom-in or zoom out in order to look at the conditions and consequences at the upper or lower level(s). Capacity building should be seen as a comprehensive methodology aiming to provide a sustainable outcome through assessing and addressing a whole range of relevant issues and their interrelationships.

4.1 Why is human capacity development important for an effective response to HIV/AIDS?
An inadequate number of well-trained, highly motivated providers has long been a major obstacle to accessible, quality services in developing countries. In Africa particularly, these problems have reached crisis proportions. The AIDS pandemic, for instance, is greatly increasing the number of people requiring care, increasing stress on these overburdened healthcare delivery systems and providers. Simultaneously, doctors, nurses, and midwives are often not providing care because of the stigma associated with AIDS patients, are absent from work to care for a sick family member, are themselves infected with HIV, or have left their countries to seek work abroad. Human resources are being eroded just as countries increasingly need them to provide a growing number of services.
The US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief contains a strong treatment component, aiming to treat at least two million people with antiretroviral therapy. In order to dispense and oversee antiretroviral therapy and antibiotics and mobilize communities to care for those affected by AIDS, human capacity development will be more important than ever. It is therefore imperative to incorporate human capacity development strategies into the design and implementation of HIV/AIDS programs in order to ensure the availability of adequate human resources to deliver prevention, care, and treatment services.
5.0 CONCLUSION
This essay has discussed the concept human capacity. It has argued that human capacity development is crucial aspect in addressing the socio-economic challenges which African countries are facing. In Africa, Tanzania in particular, there is serious shortage of human resources who could deal with the multiple challenges facing these countries. There is acute need by the government and donor communities to address the issue of human capacity for development if these countries are to achieve sustainable social change. The current global crisis in human resources can be overcome only through a strategic, systemic and integrated approach that incorporates key interconnected programmatic and managerial components, operating within the context of the external national and health sector environment.

REFERENCES
Assefa, et al,. (2004). Human capacity development for an effective response to HIV/AIDS: the case of Oromia - Ethiopia.
Keilso, J. (2001). Building Human Capacity Through Training, SIT Occasional Papers Series, and Projects in International development and Training.
Enemark, Stig (2003). Understanding the Concept of Capacity Building and the Nature of Land Administrative System, Paris: FIG Working Week
http://www.usaid.gov/our_work/global_health/aids/TechAreas/multisectoral/hcd2004.html
UNDP (1998): Capacity Assessment and Development. Technical Advisory Paper No.3.
http://magnet.undp.org/Docs/cap/CAPTECH3.htm

COMMUNITY ORGANIZING

SOUTHERN NEW HAMPHIRE UNIVERSITY
AND
OPEN UNIVERSITY OF TANZANIA


COMMUNITY ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
ASSIGNMENT : COMMUNITY ORGANIZING
PROGRAMME : MSC. CED
COURSE TITLE : PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICES OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

CODE : ICD 533
CENTRE : ARUSHA

STUDENT NAME : KASSIAN SIA
LECTURERS NAME: DR. JUMA KADUANGA
SUBMISSION DATE: 22 OCTOBER 2007



THE CONCEPT OF COMMUNITY ORGANIZING
1.1 Introduction
The concept Community Organizing has become a catch word in the government and Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs) activities and programmes in recent decades. This essay attempts to discuss these two concepts and highlighting their importance in this era of globalization. What is community organizing? What are its driving philosophy, values and goals? Who employs the strategy? What are some examples of community organizing in practice? Why does is seem to be gaining importance and use today? This essay attempts to answer some of these questions. The essay has been divided into three major sections. The first part, which follows after this introduction discusses the concept Community Organizing. The second section discusses its driving philosophy, values and goals. The last part of the essay is conclusion and reflections on the concept.

2.1 The Concept of Community Organizing
Community organization is that process by which the people...organize themselves to 'take charge' of their situation and thus develop a sense of being a community together. It is a particularly effective tool for the poor and powerless as they determine for themselves the actions they will take to deal with the essential forces that are destroying their community and consequently causing them to be powerless
Community Organizing (CO) is a values-based[1] process by which people - most often low- and moderate-income people previously absent from decision-making tables - are brought together in organizations to jointly act in the interest of their "communities" and the common good. Ideally, in the participatory process of working for needed changes, people involved in CO organizations/groups learn how to take greater responsibility for the future of their communities, gain in mutual respect and achieve growth as individuals. Community organizers identify and attract the people to be involved in the organizations, and develop the leadership from and relationships among the people that make the organizations effective.
Typically, the actions taken by CO groups are preceded by careful data gathering, research and participatory strategic planning. The actions are often in the form of negotiations - with targeted institutions holding power - around issues determined by and important to the organizations. The CO groups seek policy and other significant changes determined by and responsive to the people. Where good-faith negotiations fail, these constituency-led organizations seek to pressure the decision-makers - through a variety of means - so that the decision-makers will return to the negotiations and move to desired outcomes. CO groups continuously reflect on what they have learned in their action strategies and incorporate the learning in subsequent strategies.

2.2 History of Community Organizing
To better understand where CO stands today, it is helpful to view its history. Over the decades, CO has increased its sophistication and networking for greater impact and wider results. Today's CO field1 encompasses varied philosophies, approaches, organizational arrangements, actors, priorities, issues and constituencies. CO has taken root in both urban and rural settings. It enables ordinary people to work effectively together for change, often with significant impact at the block, neighborhood, community, city, county, regional, and, at times, state and national levels. Various racial and ethnic groups, and other disadvantaged or disenfranchised groups, use CO to fight for fairness and equity. Robert Fisher and Peter Romanofsky, the editors of Community Organization for Social Change, grouped CO activities and perspectives into four historical periods:[2]
1890 - 1920. Liberals and progressives sought to meet the challenge of industrialization - the bigness of cities and their chaotic social disorganization - by organizing immigrant neighborhoods into "efficient, democratic, and, of course, enlightened units within the metropolis." Since the emphasis of the reformers was mostly on building community through settlement houses and other service mechanisms, the dominant approach was social work.
1920 - 1940. Community organization became a professional sub-discipline within the social work field. Little was written about decentralized neighborhood organizing efforts throughout the Great Depression. Most organizations had a national orientation because the economic problems the nation faced did not seem soluble at the neighborhood level.
1940 - 1960. A new interest in CO from the social work perspective. Federal involvement in reshaping cities and their neighborhoods through the post-World War II urban renewal programs abetted this unique alignment.
1960 - 1980. Neighborhood organizing became widespread beginning in the 1960s. Literature analyzing events at the grassroots during this period is extensive. Experience with federal anti-poverty programs and the upheavals in the cities produced a thoughtful response among activists and theorists in the early 1970s that has informed activities, organizations, strategies and movements through the end of the century, though many major changes in CO have occurred since 1980.

2.3 Types of Community Organizing
There are three basic types of community organizing, grassroots organizing, faith based community organizing, and coalition building.[3] Additionally, political campaigns often claim that their door-to-door operations are in fact an effort to organize the community, often these operations are focused exclusively on voter identification and turn out.
(i) The ideal of grassroots organizing is to build community groups from scratch, develop new leadership where none existed, and otherwise organize the unorganized. It is a values based process where people are brought together to act in the interest of their communities and the common good. It is a strategy that revitalizes communities and allows the individuals to participate and incite social change. It empowers the people directly involved and impacted by the issues being addressed. A network of community organizations that employ this method is National Peoples Action.
(ii) Faith-based community organizing, (FBCO) is a deliberate methodology of developing the power and relationships throughout a community of institutions such as congregations, unions, and associations.
(iii) Coalition building efforts seek instead to unite existing groups, such as churches, civic associations, and social clubs, to more effectively pursue a common agenda. Community organizing is not solely the domain of progressive politics, as dozens of fundamentalist organizations have sprung up, such as the Christian Coalition

3.1 Principles of Community Organizing
Modern CO rests on a solid bed of key principles around which most knowledgeable practitioners and observers are in general agreement. The degree of adherence to these principles, and the relative emphasis placed on one principle or another, provides the best means to distinguish CO groups and efforts from each other. These same principles also help to distinguish CO from other types of strategies for neighborhood and community change and social betterment.
The central ingredient of all effective CO in the view of many involved in the field - what they believe distinguishes CO most clearly from all other social change strategies - is building power. CO builds power and works for change most often to achieve social justice with and for those who are disadvantaged in society.
CO encompasses other principles that were described in a particularly thoughtful article jointly written a few years ago by a veteran foundation official and an experienced community organizer. The authors, Seth Borgos and Scott Douglas, stressed that "the fundamental source of cohesion of every strong CO group is the conviction that it offers its members a unique vehicle for exercising and developing their capacities as citizens."[4] The authors also noted that the most common usage of the term CO "...refers to organizations that are democratic in governance, open and accessible to community members, and concerned with the general health of the community rather than a specific interest or service function..."[5] According to Borgos and Douglas, the key principles of contemporary CO are:
v A Participative Culture. CO organizations view participation as an end in itself. Under the rubric of leadership development, they devote considerable time and resources to enlarging the skills, knowledge and responsibilities of their members. "Never do for others what they can do for themselves" is known as the iron rule of organizing.
v Inclusiveness. As a matter of principle, CO groups are generally committed to developing membership and leadership from a broad spectrum of the community, with many expressly dedicated to fostering participation among groups that have been "absent from the table," including communities of color, low-income constituencies, immigrants, sexual minorities and youth. Working with marginalized groups demands a high level of skill, a frank acknowledgment of power disparities, and a major investment of time and effort.
v Breadth of Mission and Vision. In principle, every issue that affects the welfare of the community is within CO’s purview, where other civic institutions tend to get stuck on certain functions while losing sight of the community’s larger problems. In practice, strong (but by no means all) CO organizations have proven adept at integrating a diverse set of issues and linking them to a larger vision of the common good. This is a holistic function that has been largely abandoned by political parties, churches, schools and other civic institutions.
v Critical Perspective. CO organizations seek to change policies and institutions that are not working. In many communities, they are the only force promoting institutional accountability and responsiveness. Because community organizations take critical positions, they can be viewed as partisan or even polarizing in some contexts, and an obstacle to social collaboration.
4.O Conclusion
This essay has discussed the concept Community Organizing and argued that the process is rooted in the belief that those who benefit least from current social, economic, and political structures have the greatest potential to build long-term, successful movements to change those structures. Community Organization theory maintains that members of the disenfranchised communities have the self-interest to build community-based organizations that can confront inequalities that negatively affects community life.




REFERENCES
Borgos and Scott Douglas, "Community Organizing and Civic Renewal: A View from the South," Social Policy, Winter, 1996.
Robert Fisher and Peter Romanofsky, "Introduction," Community Organization for Social Change, (ed.)Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1981.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Community_organizing




[1] The term "values-based" refers to values that form the basis of CO theory and practice. For most community organizers and CO groups, the values include: community, solidarity, equality, freedom, justice, the dignity of the individual, respect for differences, civility, and political democracy.
[2] See Robert Fisher and Peter Romanofsky, "Introduction," Community Organization for Social Change, ed. Robert Fisher and Peter Romanofsky, Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1981, pp. xi-xviii.

[3] For detailed discussion on the three types of Community Organizing see http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Community_organizing

[4] See Seth Borgos and Scott Douglas, "Community Organizing and Civic Renewal: A View from the South," Social Policy, Winter, 1996.
[5] Ibid.

PRIMARY HEALTH CARE

SOUTHERN NEW HAMPHIRE UNIVERSITY
AND
OPEN UNIVERSITY OF TANZANIA


COMMUNITY ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
ASSIGNMENT : PRIMARY HEALTH CARE (PHC)IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES.
PROGRAMME : MSC. CED
COURSE TITLE : PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICES OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

CODE : ICD 533
CENTRE : ARUSHA

STUDENT NAME : KASSIAN SIA
LECTURERS NAME: DR. JUMA KADUANGA
SUBMISSION DATE: 22 OCTOBER









PRIMARY HEALTH CARE (PHC) IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES

Learning from Structural Adjustment Programe of mid 1980s in Tanzania



Abstract:
This paper aimed at focusing on Primary Health Care in developing countries particularly Tanzania in relation to Structural Adjustment Programe (SAPs) of mid 1980s. Nearly three decades a wide range of health development frameworks have been advocated to improve the health of the population in developing countries. Primary Health Care has been the leading theoretical concept for delivering health services to the vulnerable groups. However, Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs) through Health Sector Reforms have influenced health service delivery positively or negatively. The paper is organized in five parts namely an introduction, theoretical review, empirical review, policy review and conclusion.


























1.1 Introduction

In 1978, governments around the world signed the Alma Ata Declaration[1] with the aim of achieving Health for All by the year 2000 through the Primary Health Care (PHC) approach (Mahler, 2000). PHC calls on public health systems to meet the needs of the poorest and challenges all sectors to see health as a right. Basically, PHC should be understood in holistic phenomenon because it is a cross cutting issue in which it emphasize on multisectoral, intersectoral, community involvement and appropriate technology upon which the nation/society should rely in order to have a healthier population (ibid).

Dating back from 1950s and ‘60s many developing countries faced an overwhelming task. Economic recession meant that many could not even start to imitate the West’s medical model of health based on hospital medicine and high technology however, different model of care emerged, which recognized that the health of populations was determined by factors other than medical care and that these factors could be controlled by communities themselves, through collaboration with other sectors such as agriculture, water sanitation and education in a spirit of self reliance and self determination.












1.2 Theoretical perspective of health
In order to arrive to the subject mater which is Primary Health Care, it is important in the first place to focus on various model of health which had been put forward by different scholars. Each model was dominant depending on the time framework and environment. The models which have been put forward by different scholars are first, medical model, second, socio-epidemiological model, third, sociological model and lastly political economy (Marxist perspective).

Medical model
This model was dominant in mid nineteen century due to scientific achievement in clinical medicine, scientist discovered how to control and cure disease with penicillin vaccinations and sterile techniques (Macdonald, 1993).It emphasize treating specific physical disease and does not accommodate mental or social problems. The basic argument put forward is that human being is health when he/she is in perfect working order thus the body works like a part of the machine. If the heart does not pump the blood somebody would die.

The medical model was so powerful, in the sense that, it even influences national policy on health in which medical profession maintained a monopoly on knowledge about medicine, health and human body. The medical model was challenged and was seen as not a best model in addressing the health of the people. It favors minority especially those who had financial resources to afford doctors, drugs and health environment.

Socio-epidemiological model
This model advocate that the distribution of disease is related to the structure of social inequalities such as occupational class,socio economic status, gender, marital status,age,ethinicity,area of residence,housing,family structure and employment status.

It advocates that many diseases have social bases and the role of medicine is not of paramount important. Health services and medical provision should not be direct to disease mechanism but to underlying causes of diseases.
Thus, the model suggest the following; medical professional should concern on why disease occur, care should be over and above cure that is care for the individual and not for treatment and environmental and risky factors should be found.

The model was challenged by the medical practioners due to anomality in the sense that while the cause of the disease is within the context of social dynamic, cure and care goes back to medical model i.e. individual taking care of the individual. Also the model differ on the potential cause of the disease their views converge to the individual for instance socio-epidemiological focus on individual lifestyle such as smoking destroy health(victim blaming ideology).

Sociological model
It advocate that social relations (such as social support for individual and social capital or social cohesion for communities play a key role in determining the health of the individual. Some scholars argue that capitalist imperialism influences the presence and distribution of illness in developing nations, through the transfer of modern medicine, industry and technology from the west which is motivated mostly by profit-driven pharmaceutical companies. They argue on the premises in which medical model operates which tends to concentrate on cure and not prevention, individual and not population and physician and medial doctor tends to focus on the disease.

Political economy/Marxist model
The political economy perspective provides a broader political and economic framework, arguing that exploitative relations existing in capitalist class create conditions of deprivation in which some people must struggle to maintain health. It claims that there is a contradiction between the pursuit of health and the pursuit of profit.Diferentials in health can be seen among social classes due to unhealthy work environment of the lower classes.
Illness is seen as a product of exploitation of capitalist society i.e. concentration of economic power, industrialization hence those economically powerfully state exploit the poor. This perspective has been criticized for failing to recognize the substantial health gains that have accompanied capitalist development and for proposing scenario with little opportunity for intervention or change.

Major efforts have been made to identify alternative health care systems where health resources could be used to respond to the needs of the majority of the people (McGilvray, 1969).There have been tremendous efforts to ensure that there are proper health care system which reach the grass root people in a sustainable manner in this case Primary Health Care (PHC) has been taken as a best approach to ensure people have access to health facilities, sanitation measures and the like in an affordable manner.

1.3 Conceptualizing Primary Health Care
Primary Health Care is based on three pillars which are multisectoral approach, community participation and equity (Gilson et al., 1998). It turns the individual, the family and the community into the basis of health system, and it turns the primary health worker as the first agent of the health system that the community deals with into the central health worker.

The multisectoral approach
Health does not exist in isolation. It is influenced by a complex of environmental, social and economic factors ultimately related to each other. Therefore the health of the poor is largely influenced by combination of unemployment, poverty, low level of education, poor housing, poor sanitation and malnutrition. Basing on these facts it is undoubtedly that illness is produced by socio-economic conditions thus there is a need for different sectors to collaborate so as to control the situation.

Community participation
The view that health was the absence of disease which could be realized through the delivery of medical services emerged as a dominant idea in mid 19th century. The view was influenced by the remarkable scientific achievements in clinical medicine because the scientist discovered how to control and cure disease with penicillin, vaccinations and sterile techniques. Priority was placed on complicated scientific research and specialized clinical education regardless of cost.

In mid 1970s peoples mindset began to change and thus health of a person was no longer determined by the medical professional but it rather a response of individual, community or government. Arguments basing on community participation were as follows;

Firstly, most communities, health resources are scarce thus there is a need for resource to be mobilized by communities themselves for example community health workers are needed to increase resources at low cost.

Secondly, health resources are better mobilized and utilized when the community helps to formulate its own plans.
Lastly, it is a process in which community can question and redefine health goals with a view of having health policy determined by the community itself. [2]

Equity
According to Gilson (1998), equity can be defined as fairness, absence of disparity in health or in their major social determinants. This suggest that public resources should be used in funding those activities that do most generate health (promoting allocative efficiency), and that such activities should themselves be undertaken in the way that maximize health gain (promoting technical efficiency).

Equity is judged by assessing the extent to which health care should be cost effective in generating health status of the people, communities are benefiting rather than for individual using them and people are willing to pay at affordable cost.
Those who promote equity agreed that social determinants such as class and income are the major obstacles in bringing health status of the society (Gilson, 1998).
They argue that resources should be distributed equally especially to poor by improving health, education and nutrition. This will enhance the people to sustain their lives and participate fully in normal lives.

1.4 Policy Review
Structural adjustment policies of mid 1980s were concerned with changing the structure of the economy over medium or long term. The policies aimed at economic expansion or expanding tradable aiming at improving the balance of payment (Kanji et al.,1991).

The philosophy underlying SAPs is that African economies have been distorted therefore the solution lies on adjusting the economies. They argue that private sector is able to promote production in a more competitive and efficient manner than the state sector (ibid). SAPs came up with some packages to mention the few, such as reduction of government expenditures in social sectors and introduce user charges in health, education etc. Furthermore, privatization of government enterprises and retrenchment of workers was also advocated.

Many developing countries including Tanzania have adopted SAPs as a solution to solve both social and economic problems prevailing in the respective countries. Since SAPs advocates the countries to undergo reforms in all sectors, the health sector has to undergo reforms as the best solution to ensure effective provision of health service to the people.
Reforms in health sector are likely to be influenced by external changes and the pressure rather than epidemiological and demographic factors (WHO, 1997).However, there is no convincing evidence that these policies have had any beneficial impact on population health (Gilson and Mills,1995,Bossert et al.,2003).

Health sector reforms are based on the assumption that public sector is incapacitated to operate as effective provider of health care. The advocates of health sector reforms such as World Bank, IMF etc tend to focus their arguments within the narrow confines of efficiency and effectiveness. They argue that privatization of health sector will promote competition in health services and the state should only undertake minimal intervention in economy and social welfare.

The health sector reforms are generally characterized by number of changes,
Firstly, most countries undertake reforms in the organization and management of the health system such as organization structure at various level and management style. For example changes could be on staff patterns and health care facilities.

Secondly, reforms are undertaken in the area of health care financing i.e. introduction of user fees, cost containment measures, social insurance and re-allocation of resources.

Thirdly, reforms deal with health care delivery, such as the use of large number of health volunteers and non governmental organizations, increase role of private profit/non profit facilities as well as community facilities.

Lastly, reforms take place as part of changes in civil service structure and administration, such as decentralization, deconcentration and devolution.

1.5 Empirical Review
The quality of life to a great extent depends much on the availability of social services including health as well as education. Prior to the 1980s in Tanzania, the district hospitals, community health centers and other outreach health posts provided medical services and essential drugs free of charge.
During the period characterized by Ujamaa policies, which can roughly be considered as the period between 1967 to the late 1970s, Tanzania attained a variety of successes in social development initiatives. Private schools and hospitals were nationalized; the government began providing free education and health care services.
Through the primary health care development strategy, the government built many rural health centers and many secondary and primary schools. The budget for social services was massive. As a result, literacy rates were high, access to education and health care increased for the majority of the people, and the standard of living improved.
Many people acknowledge that in the period before the SAPs things were relatively better. This is not to say that policies were perfect, but now under SAPs, the government has abandoned those redistribution policies which focused on improving the quality of life for the majority of the people. Expenditure in social services has been reduced drastically thus the majority of the people are having difficulties in accessing good education and health care (Lugalla 1993: Lugalla 1995).

Lack of sufficient budget in most of African governments has made difficult to support the health sector which paralyzed the public health system. There was no money for medical equipment and maintenance, salaries and working conditions declined. In one African country, a medical officer in the public sector was earning only US$ 49 per month. With the emergence of private hospitals, tens of thousands of doctors and health workers fled the public health sector (Cassels, 1994b).
A number of World Bank reports describe the impact of the SAPs among them include Public Expenditure Reviews, Participatory Poverty Assessments and Social Sector Strategy Reviews. Following expenditure cuts during the 1980s, health care centers in Zambia lost qualified personnel and basic health materials (World Bank, Zambia PER, 1992).
In 1985, the government budget for drugs and supplies in Madagascar decreased to 20% of the 1977 level, and only 10% of programmed medical imports were realized. The low level of government expenditure allowed the primary health care centers to cover only 25% of patient drug costs (World Bank, Madagascar PER, 1996).
In Nigeria, capital investments were suspended, and the drastically reduced recurrent expenditures could not support such routine functions as payment of salaries, supply of essential consumables (drugs and instructional materials) or maintenance of facilities. All of this resulted in a significant decline in the quality of services (World Bank, PPA 1996).
In Tanzania, health system performance suffered because of lack of training and poor motivation of doctors and health workers, shortage of supplies, breakdown of transportation and inadequate management. The quality of hospital care declined dramatically, and clinics became increasingly crowded (World Bank, Tanzania PER, 1991).
Reforms in health sector have made women and marginalized groups to suffer the most. The process of privatization leaves large sections of the populations, particularly the rural poor and the majority women depend upon on the shrinking public sector, while the private sector expands rapidly and become more costly and available only to those able to pay. This becomes difficult for Primary Health Care to function which advocate delivering health services at affordable manner.
Many developing countries are facing shortage of qualified medical staff as a result of migration or “brain drain”. In Ghana, for example 12,365 health professionals including 11,325 nurses left the country between 1993 and 2002 for greener pasture. Health professional have no promising future in developing countries in terms of salaries and other fringe benefits. It is very strange in many developing countries including Tanzania that people of high caliber such as medical doctor get low salaries unlike politicians and members of parliament who are better paid.
There has been lack of political will to implement the Primary Health Care, insecurity and lack of resources. Lack of attention has been in the public sector policy such as the impact of services on demand, public sector efficiency and allocation of budgets ( Filmer et al., 2000).However, plans were consistently made according to perceived need of the policy makers and not on the availability of resources (Rhodes,2004,Reidy & kitching,1986).

Structural Adjustment Programmes and Health Sector Reforms have affected the health sector tremendously. Literature shows that these programmes have contributed to the deterioration of the state health care provision and have had negative impact on health (Watts, 1997).
1.6 Conclusion
Majority of developing countries have to learn from others who have achieved a high level of health outcomes despite being poor. It will be useful when African policy-makers are constructing their Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers. China, Sri Lanka, Barbados, Malaysia, Costa Rica and the Indian state of Kerala are ideologically, geographically and demographically diverse, yet they have low incomes and are high health status achievers. These countries were implementing the vision of comprehensive primary health care long before the Alma-Ata Declaration, paying particular attention to system building and intersectoral action for health. The role of public action in demanding health services and better living conditions was also crucial for their success. WHO suggests that countries in the African Region do more than paying lip service to the implementation of the Alma-Ata principles. Development partners in health have a duty to assist in this endeavor.








References
Cassels, A. (1994b). ‘Aid instruments and health systems development: an analysis of current practice’. Unpublished review paper prepared for the Sectoral Policy Unit, DG VIII/A/1 of the European Commission
Cassels, A. (1995) Health Sector Reform: Key Issues in Less Developed Countries,” Journal of International Development, Vol.7 (3):329-347.
Gilson, L. and Mills, A.(1995) “Health Sector Reforms in Sub-Saharan Africa: Lessons of the last 10 years,” Health Policy,32,1-3,215-243.
Gilson, L.(1998) “In defense and pursuit of equity,” Social Science & Medicine vol.32(10):pp 1891-96.
http://www.news-medical.net/?id=6770
James McGilvray, “The Delivery of Health Services in International Health”, Speech presented to the American Medical Association’s Fourth Conference on International Health, Chicago, May 22,1969.
Kanji, N., Kanji, N., and Manji, F. (1991) “From Development to Sustained Crisis: Structural Adjustment, Equity and Health,” Social Science & Medicine, vol.3 (9):985-993.
Lugalla, J. L. P., 1995a. The Impact of Structural Adjustment Policies on Women's and Children's Health in Tanzania. Review of African Political Economy. No. 63.
Lugalla,J.L.P., 1993. Structural Adjustment Policies and Education Sector, In Gibbon, P. (ed.) Social Change and Economic Reform in Africa. Scandinavian Institute of African Studies. Uppsala, Sweden.
Macdonald, J. (1993) Primary Health Care: Medicine in its place, London: Earthscan.
Mahler, H. (1981), The Meaning for “Health for All” by the year 2, 000, World Health Forum vol.2 (1):pp5-22
Reidy, A. and Kitching, G.(1986) “Primary Health Care: our sacred cow, their white elephant?” Public Administration and Development,6 425-433
Rifkin, S.and Watt, G.(eds),(1988), “Selective or Comprehensive primary health care?” Social Science &Medicine, vol.26 (9), Special Issue.
Rifkin, S. (1980) “Community Participation in Health: A Planner’s Approach,” Contact, Special Series, No 3:1-7.
Rhodes, G.(2004) “1978:a good year, but a vintage past its best”, Health Policy.67,3,241-244.
Watts, S. (1997) Epidemic in history: disease, power and imperialism,Yale University Press, New Haven.
WHO (1978) Primary Health Care: a joint report. International Conference on Primary Health Care, Alma-Ata, USSR 6-12 September 1978, Geneva: WHO.








[1] Report of the International Conference on Primary Health Care,Alma-Ata,USSR,September 1978 Geneva,World Health Organization,1978.
[2] These arguments of community participation were articulated by Jerry Stromberg of the Division of Strengthening of Health Services, WHO, in private correspondence, September 7, 1979.

SOCIAL CAPITAL

SOUTHERN NEW HAMPHIRE UNIVERSITY
AND
OPEN UNIVERSITY OF TANZANIA


COMMUNITY ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
ASSIGNMENT : SOCIAL CAPITAL
PROGRAMME : MSC. CED
COURSE TITLE : PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICES OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

CODE : ICD 533
CENTRE : ARUSHA

STUDENT NAME : KASSIAN SIA
LECTURERS NAME: DR. JUMA KADUANGA
SUBMISSION DATE: 22 OCTOBER 2007






















INTRODUCTION:SOCIAL CAPITAL
This web site is the World Bank’s link with external partners, researchers, institutions, governments and others interested in understanding and applying social capital for sustainable social and economic development. It aims to:
improve our understanding of social capital and its contribution towards poverty reduction, social stability and economic development;
focus on the implications for program and policy design and methods for operationalizing the concept of social capital in a diverse range of interventions, within and beyond the World Bank;
provide a forum for cross-discipline dialogue for clarifying the conceptual framework, measures and development applications related to social capital;
facilitate coordination and dissemination of information;



Social capital refers to the norms and networks that enable collective action. Social capital is a core concept in business, economics, organizational behaviour, political science, and sociology, defined as the advantage created by a person's location in a structure of relationships. It explains how some people gain more success in a particular setting through their superior connections to other people.-wikipedia encyclopaedia

FOREIGN AIDS PAPER

FOREIGN AID IN PROMOTING DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA; CITING EXAMPLE OF FOREIGN AID IN TANZANIA

1.1 Introduction
Foreign aid[1] is a transfer of resources on concessional terms which are undertaken by official agencies which consist of financial aid and technical co-operation. Financial aid includes grants and concessional loans having a grant element of at least 25 per cent. Technical co-operation includes grants to nationals of aid recipient countries receiving education or training, and payments to consultants, advisers, administrators and similar persons working on assignments of interest to the recipient.
The following essay will attempt to demonstrate the role of foreign aid in promoting development in Africa citing example of foreign aid in Tanzania. It will be discussed under theoretical review, empirical review and lastly the conclusion will be drawn was that mismanagement of the aid is a key impediment to economic development recovery in the recipient countries Tanzania among them. For the effectiveness of foreign aid to yield intended result the management of the aid become a crucial point.

1.2 Theory behind the foreign aid
Berg, E.L. (1993), argued that, donors have justified aid with various theories and political motivations, but its core justification of the foreign aid is the ‘gap theory’. This theory assumes that poor countries are trapped in a vicious cycle of poverty because they are unable to save and hence have insufficient capital to invest in growth-promoting, productivity-enhancing activities. But there simply is no evidence that savings/investment ‘gap’ exists in practice. As a result, aid has failed to fill the gap. Instead, it has, over the past fifty years, largely been counterproductive: it has crowded out private sector investments, undermined democracy, and enabled despots to continue with oppressive policies, perpetuating poverty. This is proved by study done by Rugasira which shows that, between 1970 and 2000, Africa received more than US$ 400bn in foreign aid the highest aid to gross domestic product (GDP) ratio in the world. Yet today, most African countries are mired in poverty. Evidently, the foreign aid proposition is failing to deliver sustainable, welfare-enhancing economic growth. Gap theory premise fundamentally flawed that; the reason countries are poor is not that they lack infrastructure i.e. roads, railways, dams, pylons, schools or health clinics. Rather, it is because they lack the institutions of the free society: property rights, the rule of law, free markets, and limited government.

1.3 Empirical review
The main question on foreign aid lies in its effectiveness to promote economic development in the recipient countries, which remains ambiguous to find the truth. How does foreign aid affect the economic growth of developing countries like Tanzania? This is a question which has drawn the attention of many scholars over time. Since independence in 1961, Tanzania has been one of the largest recipients of aid in sub-Saharan Africa in absolute terms, and the country still receive considerably more aid as a percentage of GDP than most other countries in the region. Tanzania’s share of total aid from all the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) countries was 8.3 per cent during the 1970s the country then was the largest recipient of aid in Sub-Saharan Africa (Nyoni, 1997). This share started to decline in 1981 and by 1985 it was down to5.8 per cent. Nevertheless, Tanzania still ranked as the second largest aid beneficiary of aid after the Sudan during the 1980s. Even more remarkable is that even in the mid-1980s, when the policy environment was very poor in Tanzania, it received more than twice as much. It continued to remain among the 10 poorest countries in the world; its economic performance is still very poor. In some other countries as noted by Papanek (1972) finds a positive relation between aid and growth. Scholars like Burnside and Dollar (1997) claim that aid works well in the good-policy environment, which has important policy implications for donor’s community, multilateral aid agencies and policymakers in recipient countries. Developing countries with sound policies and high-quality public institutions have grown faster than those without them, 2.7% per capita GDP and 0.5% per capita GDP respectively. One percent of GDP in assistance normally translates to a sustained increase in growth of 0.5% per capita. Some countries with sound policies received only small amount of aid yet still achieved 2.2% per capita growth. The good-management, high-aid groups grew much faster, at 3.7% per capita GDP (World Bank, 1998). Studies carried by Fayissa and El-Kaissy (1999) show that, aid has a positively affects economic growth in developing countries. Singh (1985) also finds evidence that foreign aid has positive and strong effects on growth when state intervention is not included. This can be referring to the new industrialized tiger countries in Far East e.g. China, India, and Indonesia.
The record of the last 50 years, from the Marshal Plan aid shows that the efforts of recipients to help themselves have been instrumental to their success. Development assistance has successfully complemented many achievements such as the green revolution, the fall in birth rates, improved basis infrastructure, improvement in health and reduction of poverty (DAC, 1996). The nature of aid relationships between donors and recipients has critical influence on aid effectiveness. The results from the seven country studies in Africa suggest that the aid relationship between African governments and donors has been unequal and characterized by the passivity of recipients and the dominance of donors Carlsson et al, (1997). The unequal nature of the relationship has probably contributed to misunderstanding, resentment, and quite often conflict between the partners SIDA, (1996). The study concludes that both recipient and donor benefits from the foreign aid.
Recipients’ Gains from Aid
Some proponents of foreign aid claim that overseas capital inflow is necessary and sufficient for economic growth in the less developed countries. They argue that it is theoretically justified because it closes the gap between investment and domestic savings, overcoming shortages of capital and low levels of skills, it supplements export earnings to finance imports generally and capital goods more specifically, and helps to close the foreign exchange gap as noted by Bichaka et al (1999).These conclusions are confirmed with the experience of individual countries such as Bangladesh and India where foreign aid appears to have played an important role in the development process. For instance, 100 percent of Bangladesh’s development budget depends on aid which has made a significant contribution to the reconstruction of its economy. In India, foreign aid has financed over 8 % of the domestic investments and about 15 percent of imports (ibid).
Some conditions applied to foreign aid can be said to indirectly benefit the recipient country as well. Some states, such as the United States, are increasingly rewarding democratic states with foreign aid, especially since the end of the Cold War, regardless of strategic importance. As an example, former-President Clinton called the promotion of democracy and human rights the “third pillar” of his foreign policy. Foreign aid programs such as the “Support for Eastern European Democracy Act of 1989” and the “Africa Conflict Resolution Act of 1994” are especially geared toward promoting democratization James (1998). This may create incentives for reform, which have the potential to drastically increase the standards of living, including the advancement of personal rights and freedoms, for many who would otherwise suffer.
In an alternative respect, multilateral agencies such as the IMF and World Bank promote development by focusing on structural adjustment requirements in return for aid packages and loan guarantees. These requirements include the liberalization of foreign exchange and import controls (freer trade), devaluation of the currency (encouraging exports), anti-inflationary programs including the abolition of price controls, and the promotion of foreign investment. These measures are meant to encourage responsible fiscal management in order to sponsor growth and sustainable development.

Donors’ Gains from Aid
According to Cassen Robert (1994 study on foreign aid shows that even though altruistic behavior may be part of the motivation in both types of aid, bilateral aid is more likely to be oriented toward the donor’s economic and strategic interests). States are able to take advantage of their direct control of the funds they bestow by requiring, requesting or expecting certain gains (in various forms) in return. For example, Britain and France give much of their aid to former colonies; in these cases, national interest shapes the style of aid in the hopes that it may allow them to strengthen ties with recipients for economic, political, strategic or cultural reasons (ibid).
In the economic sphere, the use of tied aid has consistently featured appreciably in foreign aid. Tied aid is the practice of requiring the recipient "to spend a proportion of the aid given on goods and services produced by the donor nation," specifically with reference to bilateral aid, on which the donor has greater control. Watkins et al (1994) study shows that the strategy of foreign aid is intended to create job opportunities and promote export industry domestically by securing increased sales to the recipient country, and allowing domestic firms to penetrate these new markets. Tied aid also avoids the prospect of subsidizing future competitors in other countries with one's own tax dollars. And the good examples are United States, Canada and Spain has been the greatest tiers with about 30% of their aid.
Political and strategic motivations such as security goals, access to military bases and strategic natural resources, diplomatic ties and prestige have been prominent features of aid policy for the governments’ states. They link aid to ‘exchange conditions’, or quid pro quos, either expressly or implicitly. Studies have proven the link between US and Soviet foreign aid and international political support, especially, during the Cold War period, where aid given by the United States and the Soviet Union was meant to solidify their respective alliances and allow them access to territory from which to involve themselves in proxy wars and political currency in order to contain the enemy. Such politically motivated aid can be observed with respect to American aid to its biggest recipients, Israel and Egypt, since 1977 and Soviet assistance to Cuba and Syria.

Policy review
In the last years, a series of global campaigns have called for increases in foreign aid. In the run-up to the Monterrey Summit in 2002, for example, Kofi Annan and James Wolfensohn (head of the World Bank) traveled around the globe several times to campaign for doubling spending on aid, claiming that this was necessary to reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by 2015. The call was repeated more recently by Jeffrey Sachs both in his capacity as Director of the UN Millennium Project and in his most recent book The End of Poverty.
The (UN) Millennium Development Goals (MDG), which was adopted in September 2000 aimed at Poverty Reduction in the number of individuals who subsisted on an income of less than US$ 1 a day. One and eight hundred heads of states including that of the United Republic of Tanzania pledged to combat extreme poverty and hunger by 2015. The Government has taken initiatives to undertake policy and law reforms with aim of eradicating poverty, particularly in rural areas. The formulation of Tanzania Development Vision 2025, the National Strategy for Growth and Reduction of Poverty (MKUKUTA for Tanzania mainland and MKUZA for Zanzibar this are some of the major achievements in this regard. Through these reforms foreign aid is directed to budget support through the Ministry of finance under government treasury.

Conclusion
Given the magnitude of aid received by Tanzania, the poor growth record poses an obvious question of aid effectiveness. It is clear on the face of it that aid has not had a strong payoff in terms of growth. Constructing a proper counterfactual is extremely difficult; however, it is crucial for assessing the impact of aid on growth in Tanzania. The answers to the question of whether aid works only in good policy environment is still left hanging in the air due to the fact that even thought the country have done a lot on policy reforms to receive foreign aid its effectiveness to bring developmental changes is questionable as many Tanzanians continued to live below poverty lines.

Reference
Berg, E.L. (1993) Rethinking Technical Co-operation: Reforms for Capacity Building in Africa. United Nations Development Programme, New York.
Sachs, J. (2005). The End of Poverty: How We Can Make it Happen in our Lifetime. London: Penguin


Fredrik E. (2005).Aid and development: will it work this time? Han way printer London Great Britain.


Holmgren, T., Kasekende, L., Atingi-Ego, M., and Ddamulira, D. (2001). ‘Uganda’, in Devarajan, S., Dollar, D. and Holmgren, T. (eds.) Aid and Reform in Africa. Washington, DC: World Bank.


Sachs, J. (2005). The End of Poverty: How We Can Make it Happen in our Lifetime. London: Penguin


World Bank (1998) Assessing Aid: What Works, What Doesn’t, and Why. Washington, DC: World Bank

RSA Journal, Andrew Rugasira’s article‘Africa needs trade, not aid: The case for a new paradigm’, visit http://www.rsa.org.uk/events

Cassen, Robert. (1994). Does Aid Work, Second Edition. Clarendon Press, Oxford

Rugumamu, S.M. (1997) Lethal Aid: The Illusion of Socialism and Self Reliance in Tanzania. African World Press, Trenton

Bichaka F. and Mohammed I. El-Kaissy. (1999) “Foreign Aid and the Economic Growth of Developing Countries: Further Evidence” in Studies in Comparative International Development. Washington

James Meernik, Eric L. Krueger and Steven C. Poe. , (1998) “Testing Models of US Foreign Policy: Foreign Aid During and After the Cold War” in The Journal of Politics, Vol. 60, Issue 1. Southern Political Science Association

Boone, Peter (1996). “Politics and the Effectiveness of Foreign Aid” European Economic Review Vol. 40. Elsevier Science, p. 289-329

Peter Burnell. (1997). “The Changing Politics of Foreign Aid – Where to Next?” in Politics, Vol. 17, No. 2. Political Studies
Nyoni, T. (1997), Foreign Aid and Economic Performance in Tanzania, Research paper no 61, AERC, Nairobi
[1]Sometimes is referred as Official Development Assistance (ODA)

SOCIAL CHANGE

1.1 Introduction
This essay attempts to discuss the concept of Social Change. It will define the concept of social change, describe factors for the social change and review different theories for the social change. The essay has been organized into three major sections. The first part, which follows after this introduction defines the concept of Social Change. The second section discusses factors for the Social Change, which is followed by the review of various theories of social change. The last part of the essay is conclusion and reflections on the concept.

2.1 The Concept Social Change
The term ‘social change’ is a term used within sociology and applies to modifications in social relationships or culture. All societies are involved in a process of social change; however, this change may be so incremental that the members of the society are hardly aware of it. People living in very traditional societies would be in this category. Societies are characterized by change: the rate of change, the processes of change, and the directions of change.[1]

2.2 Causes of the Social Change
(i) The actions of individuals, organizations and social movements have an impact on society and may become the catalyst for social change. The actions of individuals, however, occur within the context of culture, institutions and power structures inherited from the past, and usually, for these individuals to effect dramatic social change, the society itself is tripe' for change.
(ii) Broad social trends, for example, shifts in population, urbanization, industrialization and bureaucratization, can lead to significant social change. In the past, this has been associated with modernization, the process whereby a society moves from traditional, less developed modes of production (like small-scale agriculture) to technologically advanced industrial modes of production. Trends like population growth and urbanization have a significant impact on other aspects of society, like social structure, institutions and culture. Nineteenth and early Twentieth Century social theorists focused fairly extensively on modernization, but they tended to present on oversimplified "grand narrative" which resulted from heavily ideological interpretations of the contrast between tradition and modernization. They also attempted to externalize absolutes, "social laws" as they saw them, and they argued that these social laws were operative in structurally similar societies.

3.1 Theories of Social Change
(i) Early Evolutionary Theory. This theory of social change was based on the assumption that all societies develop from simple, ‘small-scale’ beginnings into more complex industrial and post-industrial societies. This development process was thought to be unilinear, that is, there was one line of development from simple to complex. It also assumed that the changes inherent in this development were all 'progress'. This theory emerged around the time Charles Darwin was publishing his theories on the origin of species; that biological species evolved from the simple to the complex and that there was 'survival of the fittest'. Evolutionary theorists applied these ideas to societies - a concept which fitted very comfortably with this colonial era when Britain and other colonizing countries were heavily involved in bringing their "superior" advanced form of society to more "primitive" societies, in exchange for their raw materials, trade goods, etc.
Evolutionary theorists reflected the prevailing ideology, legitimizing, through their theoretical explanation of social change, the political and economic ambitions of the colonial powers. Early evolutionary theory described change, rather than explained it and ignored the many patterns of development which were occurring - which were, in reality, as diverse as the countries themselves.[2]
(ii) Functionalist Theory (often called Structural Functionalism): Functionalist theory assumes, on the whole, that as societies develop, they become increasingly more complex and interdependent. Functionalist theory emphasizes social order rather than social change. Talcott Parsons viewed society as consisting of interdependent parts which work together to maintain the equilibrium of the whole, rather like the human body with its interdependent organs working for the health of the entire organism. Key concepts of this theory are those of differentiation and integration. Differentiation occurs as society becomes more complex but the new institutions must be integrated with each other into the whole. In other words, change occurs (differentiation of institutions, for example, to take over functions of previously non-differentiated institutions) but structures within society change or emerge to compensate. The new structures are integrated to ensure the smooth functioning of society. Social order requires that members of society work towards achieving order and stability within the society and Functionalist
Limitations of this theory are that it really only attempts to explain institutional change. During the decades of the 1940s and 1950s the functionalist view of society as a balanced system that integrated small but necessary changes was quite consistent with the times. However this social theory quickly lost credibility because it proved inadequate to explain the rapid upheaval and social unrest of the late 50s and 60s. Like Early Evolutionary theory, it assumes that change is progress, although there are disagreements between Functionalist theorists.

(iii) Conflict Theory - Marxism (Marx and Engels). Marxism also saw itself as offering a 'scientific account' of change but, in opposition to Functionalism, this focused on the premise that radical change was inevitable in society. Marxism argued that the potential for change was built into the basic structures of society, the relationships between social classes, which Marx saw as being intrinsic to the social relations of production. According to Marx, eventually society reaches a point where its own organization creates a barrier to further economic growth and at that point, crisis precipitates a revolutionary transformation of the society, for example, from feudalism to capitalism or from capitalism to socialism.
Marxists believed that social order was maintained through socialization, education and ideology. Thus control is maintained to suit the vested interests of powerful groups and as the interests of these groups change, so does society. Change is therefore ongoing until crisis point is reached and transformation occurs. While Marx focused on class conflict specifically, modem conflict theorists have broadened their explanation of change to social conflict generally. While Conflict Theory is useful in explaining significant events in history and ongoing changing patterns of race and gender relations, it struggles to adequately explain the dramatic impact of technological development on society or the changes to family organisation.

(iv) Post-Modernist Social Theory (also called Post-Structuralism). Post-Modernism argues that both social reality and knowledge is socially constructed. Post-Modernism rejects 'general' or overarching explanations of change, which rely on the premise of a single total social system or assumptions about class or gender power. Postmodernists see power as dispersed and localised, rather than hierarchical and directed from the top down. For Post-Modernists, there are many 'knowledges' and 'ways of knowing', multiple sets of moral rules and ethics, which people in society tap into at their local level. Authority structures may attempt to assert their knowledge and way of doing things) but they do this, not from any intellectual or moral authority, but through political strategies of coercion (ridicule, exclusion), leading to the use of their definition of 'normal' to define what is 'abnormal'. At the micro-level, the out-group is defined by definition of the in-group. Micropower is located within institutions, which use language and practices to control people. Post-Modernists view society, therefore, not as a total system but as an aggregation of fragments. They see post-modern society as the next phase after modern, post-industrial society, so in this sense Post-Modernists are viewing social change in terms of stages that societies go through. In terms of social theory, they confine their analysis to post-industrial societies and rarely attempt to analyse the whole of society, preferring to focus on its component parts, such as institutions like the family, prisons, hospitals etc.
Recent social theorists, for example, Anthony Giddens (1990), see a crucial distinction between pre-modern and modern societies based on our dependence on increasingly complex and extended social relationships. These rely on 'expert systems' with which we have no face-to-face relationship. In the past, people relied on, or were dependent on, the people with whom they had the closest relationships, for example, spouses, family etc.

4.0 Conclusion
This essay has discussed the concept Social change. It has identified factors for the social change and reviewed some of the theories of the Social Change. It has argued that some recent trends in global change are that the world population has become more concentrated in the less developed world and in cities, there has been a tremendous growth in internet use, infant mortality rates have declined, illiteracy has declined, more people are living in freedom, GDP per capita has increased in some areas of the world, and poverty has declined in some areas of the world. Western society changing values on trends such as the birth control pill, voting rights for non-land holders, and the ups and downs of acceptance of homosexuality are also examples of social change.

REFERENCES
Beilharz, P. (ed.): Social Theory Guide to Central Thinkers Allen & Unwin, NSW, 1892Bessant, J. & Watts, R.: Sociology Australia Allen & Unwin, NSW, 1999
Christine Preston (Nagle College) for Society and Culture Inservice, 12th August 2000.
Giddens, A. The Consequences of Modernity Polity Press, Cambridge, 1990Polanyi, K. The Great Transformation Octagon Books, New York, 1973


[1] See Christine Preston (Nagle College) for Society and Culture Inservice, 12th August 2000.

[2] Ibid.